Chris Knight Comments
on
Arbib,
M.,
K.
Liebal
and
S.
Pika,
Primate
 Vocalization,
gesture
and
the
evolution
of
human
language.

Current Anthropology,
49
(6):
1064‐1065.

Arbib,
 Liebal,
 and
 Pika
 provide
 an
 excellent—and
 long
 overdue—
 comparative
 survey
 of
 the
 incidence
 of
 gestural
 versus
 vocal
 communication
 in
 nonhuman
 primates.
 I
 like
 their
 proposal
 that
 the
 primate
mirror
neuron
system
underpinning
gestural
imitation
played
a
 key
role
in
enabling
language
parity.
I
am
also
persuaded
by
their
more
 general
argument
that
the
emergence
of
vocal
speech
in
our
ancestors
 in
some
way
presupposed
the
scaffolding
provided
by
gesture
and
then
 pantomime.


Unfortunately,
the
article
ends
rather
abruptly,
having
offered
little
 that
merits
description
as
an
actual
theory.
The
authors
address
a
range
 of
 “what,”
 “when,”
 and
 “how”
 questions
 yet
 never
 ask
 the
 crucial
 question
 “Why?”
 Yes,
 apes
 in
 general
 do
 lack
 volitional
 control
 over
 their
vocal
signals.
Yes,
they
do
seem
to
have
much
greater
control
over
 their
manual
gestures.
And,
yes,
manual
gestures
in
humans
“can
have
 an
effect
on
vocalizations
made
at
the
same
time,
thus
creating
certain
 natural
vocal
concomitants
of
manual
efforts.”
It
would
therefore
follow
 logically
 that
 one
 way
an
intelligent
primate
might
enhance
cognitive
 control
 over
 its
 vocal
 signaling
 would
 be
 by
 intentionally
 jumping
 around
 or
 otherwise
 manipulating
 its
 body
 so
 as
 to
 influence
 any
 sounds
being
emitted
at
the
same
time.


But
all
 this
 strikes
 me
 as
 a
 strangely
 mechanistic
approach
to
the
 theoretical
 difficulties—as
 if
 no
 ape
 or
 monkey
 ever
 thought
 to
 modulate
its
vocal
signals
by
deploying
the
equipment
it
already
has.
 There
must
surely
be
some
more
plausible
reason
why
these
animals
in
 fact
 do
 not
 play
 around
 creatively
 or
 imaginatively
 with
 vocal
 communication.
After
all,
young
primates
can
be
strikingly
creative
and
 imaginative
 in
 their
 playful
 antics.
 In
 the
 interests
 of
 masticatory
 efficiency,
 moreover,
 they
 possess
 jaws,
 lips,
 and
 tongues
 that
 are
 subject
 to
 fine
 motor
 control.
 Little
 effort
 is
 needed
 to
 activate
 the
 relevant
mouth
muscles.
If
greater
signal
flexibility
would
be
adaptive,
 why
not
use
such
ready‐made,
highly
efficient
equipment
to
modulate
 sounds
in
the
way
humans
do?


Instead
 of
 restricting
 ourselves
 to
 yet
 another
 description
 and
classification
 of
 signaling
 modalities
 and
 corresponding
 mechanisms,
 we
 surely
 need
 some
 Darwinian
 thinking
 here.
 Among
 nonhuman
 primates,
what
selection
pressures
might
have
rendered
it
adaptive
for
 vocal
 communication
 to
 be
 so
 strikingly
 insulated
 from
 cognitive
 control?
 What
 fitness
 advantages
 might
 accrue
 to
 an
 intelligent
 ape
 from
its
inability
to
play
around
with
its
vocal
signals?
Such
questions
 cry
out
for
an
answer.
If
we
do
not
even
address
them,
we
are
unlikely
 to
get
far
in
elucidating
the
evolutionary
relationships
among
primate
 vocalization,
primate
gesture,
and
speech‐based
human
language.


The
ability
to
engage
in
pantomime
is,
by
definition,
an
ability
to
fake
 one’s
 bodily
 signals
 and
 displays.
 For
 patent
 fakes
 to
 be
 accepted
 as
 valid
currency
for
purposes
of
communication,
unusually
high
levels
of
 social
 cooperation
 and
 corresponding
 trust
 must
 be
 assumed.
 This
 presents
 a
 theoretical
 conundrum
 because
 those
 primates
 intelligent
 enough
 to
 deploy
 such
 potentially
 deceptive
 strategies
 will
 also
 be
 clever
enough
to
competitively
exploit
the
trust
presupposed
by
their
 habitual
use
(Knight
1998).
This
could
explain
why,
despite
their
quite
 developed
 capacities
 for
 deploying
 and
 comprehending
 symbolic
 conventions
when
in
captivity,
nonhuman
primates
apparently
find
so
 little
use
for
symbolic
communication
in
the
wild
(Ulbaek
1998).


What
would
happen
if
a
Machiavellian
mutant
monkey
did
discover
 that
 it
 could
 freely
 substitute
 one
 predator
 alarm
 call
 for
 another,
 regardless
 of
 the
 presence
 of
 any
 actual
 threat?
 Insofar
 as
 the
 fakes
 were
exploited
for
purposes
of
tactical
deception,
they
would
lose
their
 former
 status
 as
 reliable—
 hence
 meaningful—signals.
 To
 the
 extent
 that
salient
aspects
of
any
signal
can
be
intentionally
faked,
conspecifics
 will
 simply
ignore
those
variable
aspects
in
favor
of
any
hard‐to‐fake
 acoustic
 features
 that
 might
 prove
 unintentionally
 significant.
 In
 a
 Darwinian
 social
 world,
 selection
 pressures
 will
 in
 this
 way
 drive
 signalers
 to
 persuade
 receivers
 of
 the
 reliability
 of
 their
 signals
 by
 demonstrating
precisely
that
they
are
not
subject
to
cognitive
control.


This
 will
 apply
 in
 particular
 to
 vocal
 signaling,
 which
 works
 at
 a
 distance,
 often
 in
 contexts
 that
 do
 not
 allow
 opportunities
 for
 immediate
verification.
Sound
signals
go
around
corners,
work
in
the
 dark,
operate
over
distances,
and
leave
signalers
free
to
continue
with
 noncommunicative
 manual
 tasks.
 Such
 advantages
 make
 it
 especially
 important
to
protect
the
vocalauditory
modality
from
deceptive
abuse.
 Lack
 of
 volitional
 control
 acts
 like
 the
 watermark
 on
 a
 banknote—it
proves
 that
 the
 owner
 was
 not
 the
 printer.
 The
 need
 to
 guarantee
 reliability
applies
less
to
visual
signals
used
in
face‐to‐face
interactions
 because
such
contexts
generally
offer
little
scope
for
abuse.


Facial
and
manual
gesture
work
best
at
close
quarters,
in
intimate
 contexts
 where
 immediate
 verification
 should
 be
 relatively
 easy.
 Opportunities
 for
 deception
 are
 correspondingly
 few.
 For
 example,
 when
one
chimpanzee
informs
a
grooming
partner
at
which
point
on
its
 body
 it
 needs
 to
 be
 scratched
 (Pika
 and
 Mitani
 2006),
 what
 could
 it
 possibly
gain
from
a
deceptive
signal?
It
is
surely
no
coincidence
that
 nonhuman
 primates
 get
 closest
 to
 volitional
 referential
 signaling
 in
 those
restricted
social
contexts
that
offer
the
least
scope
for
deceptive
 abuse.
 But
this
is
precisely
the
theoretical
problem:
human
language
is
not
 used
primarily
as
an
aid
to
ongoing
physical
activities
such
as
grooming.
 Its
distinctive
function
is
“displaced
reference”—communication
about
 things
not
currently
within
sensory
range.
No
mechanistic
approach
of
 the
kind
exemplified
by
Arbib
and
his
colleagues
can
measure
up
to
the
 challenge
of
explaining
how
this
kind
of
language
could
possibly
have
 evolved.
 


References
Cited

Knight,
 C.
 1998.
 Ritual/speech
 coevolution:
 A
 solution
 to
 the
 problem
 of
 deception.
In
Approaches
to
the
evolution
of
language:
Social
and
cognitive
 bases,
 ed.
 J.
 R.
 Hurford,
 M.
 Studdert‐Kennedy,
 and
 C.
 Knight,
 68–91.
 Cambridge:
Cambridge
University
Press.



Pika,
S.,
and
J.
C.
Mitani.
2006.
Referential
gesturing
in
wild
chimpanzees
(Pan
 troglodytes).
Current
Biology
16:191–92.


Ulbaek,
I.
1998.
The
origin
of
language
and
cognition.
In
Approaches
to
the
 evolution
 of
 language:
 Social
 and
 cognitive
 bases,
 ed.
 J.
 R.
 Hurford,
 M.
 Studdert‐Kennedy,
 and
 C.
 Knight,
 30–43.
 Cambridge:
 Cambridge
 University
Press.


Read in PDF format

Previous
Previous

Review of A. Carstairs-McCarthy, The origins of complex language.